“A better display of the art of cricket was never witnessed”: How Fuller Pilch became the best batter in the world

Fuller Pilch (Image: Wikimedia Commons)

In discussions of who might have been the greatest or most influential cricketers of all time, there is a tendency to favour more recent players. Most critics understandably nominate those who they have seen in person, although an exception is usually made for the inevitable Don Bradman, whose statistical dominance makes him a special case. Perhaps one or two players from earlier periods, for whom there is plenty of film available (preferably on Youtube), might warrant a mention but once discussion moves further back than living memory, former stars are usually neglected, usually accompanied by assertions that cricketers from so long ago cannot possibly have been as good as their modern counterparts. This phenomenon is intensified by the lack of statistical detail available for comparison, and a suspicion that — depending on the viewpoint of whoever is judging — it must have been easier to score runs or take wickets back in the dim and distant past. One or two aficionados might buck the trend and name older players such as Walter Hammond, Jack Hobbs or Victor Trumper, but for most cricket followers these are at best just names that they have heard. And then there is the case of someone like Ranjitsinhji, recorded by the history books as the inventor of the leg-glance (but who is perhaps even more interesting for his adventures off the field). Or what about W. G. Grace? To those familiar with cricket history, he might stand comparison with Bradman: the man who invented modern batting, combining forward play, back play, attack and defence. But if we go back even further, cricket was a very different game on (and off) the field, so that any hope of statistical comparison breaks down hopelessly. Which is unfortunate because if we continue backwards, we come across names that were legends for a century after their playing days were over.

Standing at the head of this semi-legendary list was Fuller Pilch, perhaps the most famous batter before the emergence of W. G. Grace. During his playing days, there was a general consensus that Pilch was the best batter in England — and therefore the world. While never achieving the statistical dominance of those who followed — for example Grace, Ranjitsinhji, Hobbs, Hammond — any impartial assessment has to place Pilch among those names because of what he achieved at a time when batting was often little more than a lottery. When Grace emerged, it was with Pilch that he was most often compared in trying to decide who was the greatest; and not everyone agreed that Grace was better than Pilch. And across the vast span of time between the end of Pilch’s career in 1854 and the modern day, one of his batting innovations has survived and continues to be one of the foundations of the game.

Before delving too deeply into Pilch’s story, it is worth establishing how very different cricket was when he was at his peak in the 1830s and 1840s. Cricket was played irregularly and few county teams even existed; there were no competitions or cups or championships and fixtures were arranged on an ad hoc basis with no real central authority to coordinate them. Test cricket was years away. Many games were played, especially at the major venues such as Lord’s, between what were little more than scratch teams. Part of the problem was that, at a time before the railway network had become fully established, transporting teams across the country was simply uneconomical. Single-wicket matches were still extremely popular, and followed closely by the press and public. While there were amateur and professional cricketers (Pilch was a professional), the distinction was less pronounced than it became; later generations of amateurs were more eager to keep professionals in their place, but in Pilch’s time the relationship was more benevolent. He described it: “Gentlemen were gentlemen, and players much in the same position as a nobleman and his head keeper maybe.” And the concept of what today would be called first-class cricket was largely unknown, although there was a sense that some matches were more important than others.

On the field, it was a similarly different game. When Pilch first played at Lord’s in 1820, the only legal form of bowling was underarm. Although “round-arm” bowling — in which the ball could be released from shoulder height — was widely used and became very effective, it was not officially permitted until 1835. Few, if any, batters used pads or gloves and on the field, long-stop was an essential position. The science of tending to pitches was almost unknown, and therefore the wickets were rough and untamed: the ball bounced unevenly (shooters were common) and could rise sharply if it struck the stones which were found in many playing surfaces. For bowlers who spun the ball, there was a huge amount of help from the pitch. Furthermore, games were generally played without a boundary — all hits were run out, with no fours or sixes. There might have been exceptions; during Pilch’s benefit match in 1839, wagons were used to enclose the ground, but we do not know if hits beyond this point counted as extra runs. But one contemporary critic said that “Pilch played cricket, W. G. plays boundary”. In these circumstances, run-scoring was incredibly challenging; reaching double figures was an achievement and scores of 20 were perhaps as valuable as a century in modern cricket. And the development of round-arm (which gradually metamorphosed into over-arm) bowling was even more of a challenge; the big scores that had begun to accumulate before 1820 against simply lob-bowling disappeared and did not reappear until the time of Grace. Cricket had become a low-scoring game, and the surviving statistics reflect this. Those who later championed the claims of Pilch as one of the best ever were quick to remind audiences how difficult it was to score back in the 1830s and 1840s.

This, therefore, was the cricket world into which Pilch emerged and established himself as the best; alongside Nicholas Felix and Alfred Mynn, he became one of the few household names who played the sport. How did he reach that peak?

Fuller Pilch was born on 17th March 1804, at Horningtoft in Norfolk. He was the seventh (not the youngest as has often been claimed) child of Nathaniel Pilch (a tailor) and Frances Fuller (who was the widowed Nathaniel’s second wife). Records are scarce from so long ago — individuals were not recorded on the census until Pilch was 37 — and so there is much that we do not know. But Pilch’s later fame meant that some details were recorded; he and his two older brothers (the only three out of Nathaniel and Frances’ five sons to survive until adulthood) William and Nathanial followed their father’s trade, becoming tailors. However all three proved to be good cricketers as well. There are suggestions — based on one questionable newspaper report — that Pilch spent time working in Sheffield as a young man, and learned cricket there, but it is perhaps more likely that he played village cricket in Norfolk.

There are more plausible claims that Pilch was coached by William Fennex, one of the Hambledon stars from the period in the late eighteenth century when cricket’s popularity first exploded, and one of the first men to use what would today be known as forward play; Fennex himself claimed to have taught Pilch how to bat. The author Frederick Gale wrote in 1883: “Fennex, be it remembered that he inaugurated the free forward play, and taught it to Fuller Pilch, and Fuller Pilch taught the world; for I feel confident, in my own mind, that all the fine forward play which one sees now sometimes, is simply the reflex of what Fuller Pilch developed in a manner which has never been surpassed by any living man (except W. G. [Grace]), and that, too, in days when grounds were less true, and pads and gloves were unknown. And I say of my friend W. G., that he has simply perfected the art which Pilch taught, though Pilch was never such an all-round man as our present champion.” We shall return to Pilch’s pioneering forward play later.

As Pilch improved as a cricketer, he was selected to play for Norfolk — in reality at that time little more than the Holt Cricket Club — and he made his debut in “big cricket” when he played for Norfolk against the MCC at Lord’s in 1820. Pilch was just seventeen at the time, and played alongside his brothers Nathaniel and Francis. But the three fielded while William Ward scored 278 runs, the highest innings in what would today be called first-class cricket until W. G. Grace scored 344 in 1876. Pilch, at that time picked as much for his under-arm bowling as his batting, scored 0 and 2 as the MCC won by 417 runs. But for modern statisticians, this was his first-class debut, even though no-one would have had any notion of what that meant at the time.

Fuller Pilch in 1852 (Image: Wikimedia Commons)

The irregular and disorganised nature of cricket at this time mean that it is hard to track Pilch’s career in terms of statistical achievements. But he gradually became a more accomplished batter even though he did not play anything else recognised today as “first-class” until 1827. In 1823, he moved to Bury St Edmonds, and from 1825 to 1828, he played as a professional for Bury Cricket Club — his first century was scored for the club against Woodbridge in 1830 — and represented Suffolk. In this period he made some substantial scores and was selected for the Gentlemen v Players match for the first time in 1827. That year, he also played for a team styled “England” against Sussex in a series of three matches intended as a trial of the fairness of the new style of “round-arm” bowling (used by Sussex in those matches) and top-scored in the first game with 38. He did not stand out in the other games and, with several other “England” players threatened to pull out of the final game unless the Sussex bowlers reverted to underarm, before ultimately agreeing to play. But Pilch quickly learned to face the new style of bowling, adopted it himself, and when asked in later years about what it was like facing the old underarm style, replied: “Gentlemen, I think you might put me in on Monday morning and get me out by Saturday night”.

Pilch moved to Norwich in 1829, becoming the landlord of the Anchor of Hope Inn, and began to play for Norfolk, which was established on a more formal basis in 1827. Within a few years, it was one of the strongest teams in England, not least owing to Pilch’s batting. And in 1833, he became famous through two single-wicket matches against Tom Marsden, the “Champion” of England. Single-wicket was a highly popular form of the game at the time and was played under various rule. The main versions involved two players opposing each other without assistance in the field. Hits behind the wicket did not count, and batters had to run to the other end of the pitch and back to score a single run. Pilch comfortably won the two matches: in the first, played at Norwich, he won after dismissing Marsden for seven, hitting 73 runs himself and then bowling Marsden seventh ball for a duck, winning by an innings. In the return match at Sheffield, before 12,000 spectators, Pilch scored 78, to which Marsden could only reply with 25. Pilch hit 102 and facing an impossible task, Marsden was dismissed for 31. Just over ten years later, William Denison said of this game: “Pilch’s batting was of the finest description, and a better display of the art of cricket was never witnessed in any former match.” The contest was a huge attraction and received a great deal of press coverage. But for all his success, Pilch disliked single wicket matches and rarely took part: he turned down several opportunities (he and Alfred Mynn seem to have actively avoided facing each other in that format) and only seems to have played one other game (in 1845).

In other cricket, Pilch’s fame grew and there were hardly any big matches in which he did not feature. He played for Cambridge Town, “England”, the MCC, Norfolk, the Players, Suffolk and Surrey, and as a given man for the Gentlemen. He also featured in several of the “novelty” teams which were popular at the time, such as for the Single against the Married or the Right-handed against Left-handed. Perhaps his greatest year came in 1834. In two games for Norfolk against Yorkshire, he scored 87 not out, and 73 and 153 not out; he also scored 105 not out for England against Sussex and 60 for the Players against the Gentlemen. According to Gerald Howat (in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography), “his aggregate of 811 runs in major matches was not surpassed for twenty-seven years.” Such considerations were meaningless in 1834 — batting averages were not widely published, if at all — but his average of 43 in those games dwarfed the next best, which was only 18. And in matches retrospectively reckoned first-class, he scored 551 runs at 61.22. But perhaps more importantly he had reached three figures in “major matches” for the first time, in a period when such feats were a rarity.

By then probably the best batter in the world, Pilch was in considerable demand and Norfolk could not hold on to him. A Kent county team — the second such attempt — was founded in Town Malling by a pair of lawyers called Thomas Selby and Silas Norton. After the 1835 season, they persuaded Pilch to move to Town Malling in return for £100 per year, for which he would play for Kent and manage the cricket ground. He made his Kent debut in 1836 and remained with the county until 1854, during which period he was a key figure in making it the strongest team in England. Perhaps its most powerful opposition came from another of Pilch’s teams: William Clarke’s professional touring side, the All-England Eleven. Clarke’s team made a huge impact on English cricket, and Pilch was a founding member, playing for the Eleven from 1846 until 1852. He played at least 65 matches for the Clarke’s Eleven, usually in games played “against the odds” (i.e. against teams featuring more than eleven players, to make the game competitive), and scored four half-centuries. But Pilch was not limited to playing for these teams. At a time when county cricket was an unregulated free-for-all, Pilch also made appearances for Hampshire, Surrey and Sussex. He was also a dominant figure in club cricket; he named his innings of 160 for Town Malling against Reigate in 1837 as one of his best.

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A scorecard showing Pilch’s innings of 60 for All-England against Nottingham in 1842

While Pilch was an undoubted success on the pitch — for example, he was the Kent’s leading scorer in twelve out of nineteen seasons — he did not play regularly because Kent, like all county teams in this period, only rarely took the field. And his statistical achievements have been utterly dwarfed by the inflation in scores that took place in the later part of the nineteenth century; to a modern audience, his average looks poor but at the time, given the challenges of batting, it was a different story. His record surpassed that of any of his contemporaries. He scored eleven fifties for Kent in 84 matches today reckoned first-class, with a highest score of 98, and his average of 19.61 was very good for the time. Of these matches, 36 were played against a team styled as England, which contained many of the best players: in these games, he scored four fifties and averaged 18.15. And in the Gentlemen v Players match, which was the highest form of representative cricket in England in the days before Test matches, he played 23 matches — 21 for the Players (the professional team) and two as a “given man” for the Gentlemen (the amateur team) to make the match more competitive — and averaged 14.90. As a point of contrast, he was easily the dominant batter for Kent in this period. Of his contemporaries to score 1,000 runs for the county, none approached his average: Tom Adams had 2,291 runs at 12.58; Nicholas Felix scored 1,528 runs at 16.79; and Ned Wenman had 1,063 runs at 10.42.

Hidden among the fragmented and hard-to-process figures, Pilch was remarkably consistent. It was a matter of some note that in 1836, he reached double figures in 13 innings (five of which surpassed 20); and in 1841 he reached double figures 16 times (not all of which are today judged as first-class) within which were two scores in the 20s, two in the 30s, three in the 40s and one in the 60s. In his Sketches of the Players (1844), William Denison listed many of these achievements, and wrote of Pilch: “But there are other seasons wherein Pilch has outshone all his competitors, and were they to be enumerated, it would be be to extend this publication to a size far beyond that of a ‘sketch’.” He also stated: “As a bat, [Pilch] has been one of the brightest luminaries of the cricket world, during the last 20 years.” In short, there was little doubt of Pilch’s class and superiority; he was quite simply the best batter who had played until then.

This was a precarious time for county clubs and several teams flitted in and out of existence. Kent was no exception: the Town Malling incarnation of the club struggled financially and collapsed in 1841. But Pilch maintained his Kent contention. When the brothers John and William Baker, the founders of the Beverley Club at Canterbury, took over the organisation of Kent teams in 1842 (when their club effectively assumed the role of the county team), they appointed Pilch as the manager of the Beverley Ground. When the proto-Kent team moved to the St Lawrence Ground in 1847, Pilch again moved with them, taking charge of that ground too. There are a few other traces of his life around this time. Despite claims by Denison, there is little evidence that Pilch ran a public house in Town Malling. Instead, he seems to have worked as a tailor in cricket’s off-season; this was the occupation recorded on the 1841 census (which was taken when he and the Kent team were staying at The Bear in Lewes, during a match against Sussex).

For all of Pilch’s later claims — such as the Kent team being a “eleven brothers’, or that “as soon as a man had been 12 months among the cherry orchards, hop gardens and pretty girls, he could not help becoming Kentish to the backbone” — his loyalty to Kent perhaps owed more to finance than emotion. After being awarded a benefit match — the lucrative Kent v England game in 1839 — he accepted an offer (“too good to refuse”) from Sussex to move county; it required the intervention of some of Kent’s wealthier patrons to persuade Pilch to remain where he was.

Pilch played on until 1855, when he was 52 — he later admitted that he and several of his team-mates kept going too long, meaning that Kent declined in the 1850s — having spent 35 years playing at what then was the top level. In terms of what is today judged as first-class games, Pilch scored 7,147 runs at 18.61, including three centuries and 24 fifties. He also took 142 wickets (although analyses do not survive for most of these). But it was noted at the time that he had scored ten centuries in total, a remarkable number for the time; he was also reckoned to have appeared 103 times at Lord’s.

The Saracen’s Head in Canterbury, photographed around 1945; the building was demolished in 1969 (Image: Dover Kent Archives)

Pilch continued to play minor cricket for one more season, appearing for the Beverley Club in Canterbury, and then from 1856 until 1866 concentrated on umpiring: in this period, he stood in 28 matches today reckoned first-class, almost all of which were played in Canterbury (although he had no great reputation as an umpire). He also had other cricketing interests. He began to work as a bat manufacturer — his occupation as given on the 1851 census — and continued as what would today be termed the head groundsman of the St Lawrence Ground until 1867. This was not the only ground with which he was associated. In 1849–50, he went into partnership with Edward Martin, another Kent cricketer, and developed the Prince of Wales Ground in Oxford, where he undertook winter coaching. This business partnership ended in 1855, at which point Pilch began another partnership with his nephew William Pilch, in whose house he was living in 1851. The pair became joint licensees of a Canterbury public house called the Saracen’s Head. It is not quite clear how the responsibility was split: the proprietors were often given as “F. and W. Pilch”, but William was sometimes named alone, and was listed as the head of the household on the 1861 census. From the little evidence that survives, William looks to have been the primary licensee. For example, on the 1861 census when Pilch was living at the Saracen’s Head with his nephew, William was listed as an innkeeper employing three male and three female servants; Pilch by contrast gave his occupation as a cricketer.

This particular business scheme was destined to end badly. William continued to run the Saracen’s Head for most of the 1860s but drifted into growing financial strife. Part of the problem was the new railway station that had been built in Canterbury; whereas the Pilches had previously enjoyed the custom of people (such as farmers) who would stay overnight in their establishment, the growth of the railways made this unnecessary as journeys could be made more quickly with no need for overnight accommodation. As a result, the Saracen’s Head lost valuable business. But there was also something of a financial crisis at the time that affected many small businesses after a leading bank in London collapsed. It was probably a combination of these factors that led to William’s ruin: in 1868 he was imprisoned for debt and declared bankrupt the following year, owing his creditors almost £700. By then, Pilch’s health was bad and he had been forced to give up his work as groundsman. His friends seemed to think that the problems over money with the Saracen’s Head had a negative effect on him; more than one report stated that it had been Pilch himself who had been declared bankrupt. Frederick Gale for example wrote in The Game of Cricket (1888): “The last time I saw Fuller Pilch was a few months before his bankruptcy, which, I believe, killed him. The world did not prosper with him as it ought, and he was out of spirits, and got so excited about the old times that I had to drop the subject.”

Pilch’s failing health — he was suffering from rheumatism — forced him to give up work and money became a struggle, especially with the problems faced by his nephew. Some Kent supporters arranged a subscription which it was hoped would provide him with a pension, but it fell short of expectations; some wealthy patrons had to top up the fund to provide him with an income of one pound per week. In April 1870, Pilch’s health took a turn for the worse. On 1 May 1870, he died at William’s home on Lower Bridge Street in Canterbury from what was then known as dropsy but would today be called fluid retention (or oedema); the actual cause was perhaps most likely to be heart failure. As a mark of the respect in which Pilch was held, a collection was taken among the public, the proceeds of which were used for a memorial. An obelisk was placed over his grave at St Gregory’s Church, which was moved to the St Lawrence ground in 1978 after the church had fallen into disuse. In 2008, Pilch returned to the news when plans by Christ Church University to redevelop the site of St Gregory’s were paused after it became clear that no-one was sure where Pilch was buried. An old photograph of the memorial eventually cleared up the mystery, and work went ahead; a new headstone was placed to mark the approximate location of Pilch’s grave.

The original memorial to Pilch in St Gregory’s churchyard, Canterbury, in the 1950s (Image: Kent Online)

So much for the facts. It is perhaps not as complete a story as we would like, nor could it ever be as detailed as a biography of Grace or Ranjitsinhji or Hobbs because it was plainly a very different world for cricketers of Pilch’s time. It is not possible to simply go through each season and note his scores in the biggest games or reel off impressive aggregates and averages. And yet there was no doubt among Pilch’s contemporaries that he was the best of all. As it happens, it is possible to get a glimpse of what might have made Pilch so good. But that is not the only way in which his legend continued. His reputation endured so that when W. G. Grace came along, Pilch was still for many the point of comparison. For some who remembered him, Pilch’s success must have been more meretricious simply because batting was more difficult back then. And so, more than 30 years after his death and over half a century since he last took to a cricket field, Pilch’s name became embroiled in a debate that has never been settled: was cricket a sport that continually improved, or one that was in a permanent state of decline? Were those who played in the past better than those seen in contemporary cricket? Or were the current players the best of all time?

“Most of them appeared afraid to play in their accustomed style”: The Curious History of Lob Bowling

Sketches by George Shepherd of a match at Lord’s around 1790; the top row of drawings shows underarm bowlers operating (Image: The Hambledon Men (1907) via Wikisource)

To most modern cricket fans, mention of underarm bowling brings to mind the infamous incident with Trevor Chappell in 1981, when the Australian bowled the final ball of a match underarm on the orders of his brother Greg, the team captain, to remove any possibility of New Zealand hitting a six to tie the game. Until then, underarm bowling had not been seen in important cricket for sixty years. It was — and remains — a forgotten part of cricket. But in the first days of the sport, all bowling was delivered underarm and even when changes in the laws made it obsolete from the early nineteenth century, “lob” bowling lingered for almost a century before dying out.

When cricket first rose to some kind of prominence in England in the eighteenth century, the only legal form of delivery was underarm. Bowlers rolled the ball along the ground (in the manner of bowls), sometimes quite quickly if the legends can be believed, at batters who wielded something akin to a modern hockey stick. Gradually, the more cunning bowlers realised that if they pitched, rather than rolled, the ball, it would bounce over the bat and onto the stumps; the result was a change in cricket bat design to something more similar to its modern counterpart to account for this new challenge. And so bowlers looked for a new advantage, which they sought by releasing the ball from higher and higher points. Over the first decades of the nineteenth century, the classic underarm method was left behind when bowlers began to raise their arm — first to waist, then shoulder height — in delivering the ball. This was initially in contravention of the laws that existed at the time. Round-arm bowling (usually delivered from shoulder level) was legalised — many years after it had been widely adopted — in 1835 but bowlers continued to push the rules and raise their arm higher. Once more, the laws were increasingly ignored until they changed in 1864 to allow the bowler to release the ball from whatever height he liked.

The older style became something of a relic, but that did not mean that it disappeared completely. Although lob bowling — the name usually given to what we would term underarm bowling — was a rarity from the 1830s onwards, some cricketers persisted with the method until well into the twentieth century. The aim of the best practitioners was to provoke the batters — through bravado or deception — into attempting big shots and falling to catches in the deep. For a modern audience, it is hard to imagine how lob bowling operated in practice as there are few first-hand accounts of it and no-one today has seen it used seriously. Nevertheless, Scyld Berry and Simon Burnton have suggested some of the threats it may have posed: spin both ways, a high ball aimed directly at the top of the stumps (in a similar manner to the story by Arthur Conan-Doyle, The Story of Spedegue’s Dropper), the grubber, the second-bounce yorker. But as Berry noted: “Under normal conditions it has to be admitted that batsmen get themselves out when faced with lobs which seldom have the technical excellence to beat a defensive stroke.” Yet there were challenges for a batter unaccustomed to facing this relatively rare style in later years: he faced huge potential humiliation at the prospect of getting out to an underarm delivery, even if he was caught in the deep. For anyone who tried to avoid the risk of a big hit, it was not easy to block a lob; one article discussing the best way to play them in a 1900 article in the Westminster Gazette suggested taking singles. The huge difference in trajectory for a batter accustomed to facing overarm bowling was also a factor: from expecting the ball being delivered from above head height, it would suddenly be lobbed up from close to the ground.

The question posed by Berry and Bunton — what had happened to all the lob bowlers — was a familiar one, being frequently asked from the middle years of the nineteenth century. For example, Cecil Headlam wrote an article which pondered this in The Cricketer Annual for 1922–23. He was writing within living memory of first-class lob bowling; the last specialist played county cricket in 1921 and there had been several practitioners before the First World War. Yet it is easy to trace the story, which tells of the decline, surprising revival and ultimate extinction of the lob bowler after the change of the laws in 1835.

The frontispiece from Nyren’s Young Cricketer’s Tutor (published in 1833), showing underarm bowling at Lord’s (Image: The Hambledon Men (1907) via Wikisource)

Although early cricket reports in newspapers often lack detail that is helpful to historians, the scarcity of mentions for “lob” or “underhand” bowling, and the way it is often described as a rarity, shows that very few lob bowlers operated by the mid-19th century in serious cricket. For example, a Bell’s Life report on a local match between Watlington and “The Etonians” in 1840, said that the Etonian batters were “‘rather abroad’ [i. e. confused] at the old-fashioned slow lobbing bowling against which they had to contend.” There were other intermittent reports in the 1840s of “puzzling” or “unusual” lob bowlers baffling various batters. Most of the time, these seem to have been slow bowlers, but occasional faster practitioners are mentioned, such as when the Worcestershire Chronicle reported that “the fast underhand bowling of Mr Barnes was again much admired” in a game between Stow-on-the-Wold and Worcestershire in 1847.

Incidentally, it is extremely implausible that any underarm bowler ever achieved great pace, even if they rolled the ball along the ground. Although a legendary story (told for example by Harry Altham in his History of Cricket) suggests that the underarm bowler George Brown of Brighton, who played between 1819 and 1838, was so quick that one of his deliveries passed through a coat held by a fearful long-stop and killed a passing dog, later writers were skeptical. For example, a correspondent to St James’s Gazette wrote in 1890:

“Veteran cricketers not unfrequently speak of underhand bowling as having equalled, if not exceeded, in pace the fastest roundhand bowling; and, if I remember rightly, this is suggested even in the Badminton cricket book. Allow me to say that, in the first place, this is a physical impossibility; for the underhand bowler’s arm describes a much shorter segment of a circle than does that of a roundhand bowler. In the second place, I feel certain that nineteen practical cricketers out of twenty would laugh at the idea.”

The writer suggested that these “veteran cricketers” had not faced other styles of bowling that would have made a comparison useful; it is hard to argue.

Lob bowlers remained a rarity into the 1850s; one report in the Reading Mercury described how one lob bowler, Mr Phillips, appearing for the village of Newton against neighbouring Woodhay, “did great execution among the timber in the first innings, but in the second it told in the opposite direction.” They were even scarcer in what is now termed as first-class cricket, but one man inspired a minor revival.

William Clarke (Image: Wikipedia)

William Clarke of Nottinghamshire, better known now as the founder of the All-England Eleven, was a lob bowler who had some success. That his style was unusual at the top level is clear from an account in the London Evening Standard of a match at Lord’s between the “MCC and Ground with Pilch” (Fuller Pilch was probably the best batter in England at the time) against the “Northern Counties with A. Mynn, Esq.” in July 1844. When the MCC batted, Clarke took five for 52. The report said:

“The great difficulty the club had to fight against was the underhand slow bowling of Clarke of Nottingham, and that bowling strictly speaking, was only well played by Dorrinton, Sewell, and Hillyer. All the others were ‘stuck up’ by it. Indeed most of them appeared afraid to play in their accustomed free style … But the truth is that nearly all those who played in the club eleven did not understand how to deal with these balls, and for this very good reason, that they have had no practice at its like. The hitting, therefore against Clarke was feeble and tame, except with those whom we have mentioned.”

Opinion was divided on Clarke’s merits as a bowler, as displayed in a frankly strange discussion which played out over several weeks in the correspondence pages of Bell’s Life in 1851 and 1852. Many of the arguments concerned his “All England Eleven”, to which many of the correspondents had serious objections on the grounds of Clarke’s professionalism and his claim to represent “All England”. One letter, written under the pseudonym “A Bowler”, argued that Clarke merely took wickets on account of his reputation, and “if he were to disappear for 50 years, and then came up again when no one knew him, he would be hit ‘to Jericho.'” As it was, batters were inclined to play back and “poke”, thereby getting out, when they should have been attempting to hit.

There are plenty of other indications that even in this early period, underarm bowling was regarded as antiquated. A somewhat smug article in the Berkshire Chronicle in 1854 looked back on some of the larger scores recorded in earlier times and concluded that they were a result of the tame nature of underarm bowling: “Indeed, the underhanded bowling must have afforded great and frequent opportunities of making long and splendid swipes, especially as soon as the eye got accustomed to the bat.” The writer believed that this was how William Ward had been able to score 278 in 1820 — the highest score in what is now recognised as first-class cricket until W. G. Grace scored 344 in 1876. The author noted that at the time he was writing, scores of just fifty or sixty were considered very good, and that round-arm bowling — or as he called it, “bias bowling” — was much faster than that faced in earlier days. Similarly, a syndicated article from 1850 which appeared, among other places, in the Leeds Intelligencer, outlined some large totals which were clearly considered impossible by the 1850s, such as when Hambledon made 403 in 1777, or a game at Lord’s in 1817 when Sussex scored 737 across two innings against the Epsom Club (and William Lambert became the first man to hit a century in each innings).

But Clarke’s success with his old-fashioned style prompted a minor revival, which produced a small number of largely amateur “lobsters”. An article in Sporting Life in 1862 summarised the position: that Clarke had done well largely because his style of bowling had fallen out of fashion, and therefore inspired some imitators:

“At first, Clarke took all the best batsmen in; indeed, it would hardly be believed by any scientific and well-grounded player that, with men in a Kent Eleven, you might see some men puzzled with balls pitched almost to their crease while some men were running in and being bowled with [long hops]. For the first time they had encountered a man with the head to see the weak point in their game, and with the hand to pitch at the very stump, and with the very length that they did not wish to have.”

The writer also suggested that Clarke — and underarm bowlers in general — were able to impart more spin to the ball than their round-arm counterparts, making the ball turn sharply: “We were always of the opinion that the bias of underhand bowling was far more difficult than with round-arm.” For this reason, he wondered if more bowlers should abandon the round-arm style and take up lobs, which he thought would baffle batters, particularly in minor cricket.

V. E. Walker from a photograph published in 1893 (Image: Wikipedia)

But most commentators agreed that lob bowling should have held few terrors at the top level. Once the novelty had worn off for a batter new to the crease, it was far easier to play than round-arm or overarm bowling. Nevertheless, a few bowlers, usually amateurs, experimented with lobs and had occasional success. For example, V. E. Walker, following the example of Clarke, switched to bowling lobs after briefly being a round-arm bowler. He was very successful in this style in 1858 and took 80 first-class wickets in 1859 but faded thereafter with the ball. E. M. Grace (the older brother of W. G.) began his career as a round-arm bowler but switched to lobs, with which he had some success in club cricket; even at the age of 68, he took 119 wickets while playing for Thornbury in 1909. His record at first-class level was less impressive — his 305 wickets between 1862 and 1896 came at an average of 20.37, which was high for the period in which he played — and his Wisden obituary stated that “he did not pretend to be a first-rate bowler”. Both Walker and Grace benefitted from being able to bat, so that their success did not depend on taking wickets. Additionally, both were amateurs, which also allowed them to experiment without fear.

There were other occasional successes. Alfred Lyttleton relinquished his wicket-keeping gloves to take four for 19 with lobs in an 1884 Test match against Australia. And although in 1888, the Badminton Library book about cricket stated that lob bowling had “disappeared forever” from first-class cricket, that was not quite true.

One of the best of the later lob bowlers was Walter Humphreys, a professional for Sussex, who was born at Southsea in 1849. He first appeared for the county in 1871, but only played intermittently at first-class level for ten years; furthermore, in 36 matches before the 1880 season, he bowled just 40 deliveries. Humphreys’ obituary in Wisden stated that, in this period, he was “a fairly good young cricketer with no special qualifications. He could bat and field and, in an emergency, keep wicket.” Some accounts suggested that he initially bowled medium-paced round-arm, but he himself claimed always to have bowled lobs.

Walter Humphreys, from a photograph published in 1897 (Image: Wikipedia)

Having not played at all in 1879, Humphreys finally unveiled his lob bowling in 1880. He took only 17 wickets in total, but had some spectacular success when Sussex played the Australians at the end of the season: he took five for 32, including a hat-trick. Even with this performance, he did not play regularly for his county until 1882. His bowling was moderately successful, but he was played for his batting as much as anything: he averaged around 20 with the bat in most seasons, more than respectable for the period. With the ball, he remained a novelty. But the Australian teams of the period found his bowling a huge challenge: he took another hat-trick against them in 1884 (the only season in that decade in which he took more than fifty first-class wickets), and when Sussex defeated the 1888 Australians, he had match figures of nine for 40. In Humphreys’ Wisden obituary, the editor Sydney Pardon wrote: “To the fast-footed Australian batsmen of those days, Humphreys caused so much trouble that I have often wondered whether, at some sacrifice to the team in run-getting power, it would not have been wise in 1884 to play him for England at the Oval.”

From 1890, Humphreys’ batting began to decline — he averaged 12.44 in 1890, a considerable fall, and less than ten in each season from 1892 to 1894 — but his bowling reached new heights. In 1891, he took 70 wickets, followed by 74 in 1892 and an almost unbelievable 150 in 1893 — of which 122 were for Sussex, the first time a bowler had taken a hundred wickets in a season for the county. As Sydney Pardon said in Humphreys’ obituary of his overall record in 1893: “As he played so much of his cricket at Brighton, with easy boundaries on the Pavilion side of the ground, these were remarkable figures.”

Humphreys’ success prompted the old Harrow cricketer William Kington to write to the Rev R. S. Holmes, a letter published in Cricket in September 1893; he suggested that few batters knew how to play lobs but that such bowlers were badly used by captains. Kington suggested that lob bowlers should be used at the beginning of an innings before a batter had settled, and taken off immediately if they began to be hit. Kington attributed Humphreys’ success not to an improvement in his bowling but in having a captain who knew the best way to use lobs; the Sussex captain at the time was the Australian former Test player Billy Murdoch. The latter had scored 286 not out for the Australians against Sussex in 1882, but later said of Humphreys: “Even when I had made 200 runs I could not tell from watching his hand which way he meant to turn the ball.”

Humphreys success inspired another of the periodic minor revivals of lob bowling; J. B. Woods played for Oxford University between 1891 and 1893 and took 53 first-class wickets at 26.39 with lobs, generally opening the bowling. But Woods’ figures also reveal the biggest weakness of this style: he conceded 4.09 runs per six balls (overs at the time consisted of five deliveries). And while he picked up wickets, he could also be very expensive, such as when he returned two for 127 from 19 overs against the MCC in 1893. And even Humphreys gave away runs. In 1893, he bowled the equivalent of 674 six-ball overs and conceded 2,598 runs, which would have given an economy rate (had anyone cared about such things in 1893) of 3.85. It was a similar story in other seasons, making Humphreys, for all his success, a high-risk option if the batters got on top of him. For example, against Kent at Hove in 1893 his figures were five for 152 from 40 first-innings overs (although he took six for 67 from 25 overs in the second innings).

Walter Humphries bowling lobs against Victoria at the Melbourne Cricket Ground during the tour of Australia by A. E. Stoddart’s team in 1894–95 (Image: The First Great Test Series (1994) by David Frith)

Although Humphreys was less successful in 1894, memories of what he had achieved, particularly against Australian batters, prompted A. E. Stoddart to take him to Australia as part of his team in 1894–95. The experiment was a failure. Although Humphreys, who turned 45 during the tour, baffled a succession of batters in minor matches against “country” sides (including ten for 52 against a New England XXII, ten for 51 against a Ballarat XVIII and nine for 48 against a Toowoomba XVIII), he played only four first-class matches (and none of the Tests), taking six wickets at 52.33. David Frith, in The First Great Test Series (1994), his book on the tour, described how observers of the team’s first practices did not think Humphreys would present a threat, and how the crowd laughed when he first came on to bowl against South Australia (although he took a wicket with his second ball). Even if spectators were intrigued, Humphreys’ ineffectiveness left Stoddart with huge selection problems: he had only taken thirteen players, two of whom were wicket-keepers, meaning that he had to keep the same team playing almost throughout, particularly in the Test series.

After a poor season in 1895, Humphreys retired in 1896, apart from a one-off appearance for Hampshire in 1900. Away from cricket, he worked as a bootmaker (as his father had been) who also made cricket balls and footballs; this was always the occupation he gave on the census. He married Mary Ann Roberts in 1870 and the couple had six children. When he died in 1924, Humphreys left an estate worth £4,810 (worth around £280,000 today). Incidentally, his son (also called Walter) played for Sussex between 1898 and 1900; he too was a lob bowler.

Occasional lob bowlers continued to operate in county cricket — including Digby Jephson who played for Cambridge and Surrey (captaining the county in 1901 and 1902), taking healthy numbers of wickets after discarding his overarm style. In 1899, he took six for 21 for the Gentlemen against the Players at Lord’s. But the last bowler to have any impact in any meaningful sense was the only specialist underarm bowler to have any notable success at Test level.

George Simpson-Hayward (Image: The Tatler, 4 May 1910)

George Simpson-Hayward was an amateur who played briefly for Cambridge University and then Worcestershire, captaining the latter in 1911 and 1912. For much of this time, he was a mediocre batter who bowled occasionally and it was not until he began to play regularly for Worcestershire from 1908 that he began to be successful. A maiden first-class century and 68 wickets in 1908 was followed by 57 wickets in 1909. As a man very much in the mould of the old-fashioned amateur, he had already been on several tours, including an MCC tour of New Zealand in 1906–07. So his selection to tour South Africa in 1909–10 was perhaps not a shock, given the generally low-key nature of tours to that country. The team was far from representative, and only Jack Hobbs, Wilfred Rhodes and Colin Blythe would at that time have been first-choice selections in a full-strength England team. But on the matting pitches used in South African first-class cricket, Simpson-Hayward was able to make the ball turn enormously. His Wisden obituary summarised what happened: “Going to South Africa with Mr. H. D. G. Leveson Gower’s team in 1909, he took 23 wickets at 18.26 runs each in the five Tests, and in the first at Johannesburg his first innings analysis was 6 for 43. The matting wickets just suited his exceptional power of spinning the ball.” Pelham Warner wrote how “the crowd roared with laughter when he first went on”, but his bowling soon lost its humour for them.

Simpson-Hayward was not a typical lob bowler; his Wisden obituary said: “He seldom flighted the ball like the ordinary lob bowler and did not often use spin from leg. In fact he was quite unusual with the speed at which he could make the ball, delivered with low trajectory, break from the off.” And in the first Test, he may have been helped, as one correspondent to Cricket suggested, by the remnants of a banked cycle track surrounding the Johannesburg ground; there was around three feet of red soil at the bottom of the sight-screens. As Simpson-Hayward delivered the ball from very low, it is possible that batters lost sight of it against this background. But even at the time, there was the impression that this was a one-off success. The problem — which is in many ways a perfect metaphor for English cricket — was that while he was taking wickets with a bowling style which had been all-but obsolete for nearly a century, the South African bowlers brought the English batting to its knees with the newly-invented googly. The home side won three of the first four Tests to take the series.

Despite his relative triumph, and his good returns in county cricket, Simpson-Hayward made little impression on the cricket establishment. Never featured in a profile in Cricket, he passed largely unnoticed. Like those before him who took up lob bowling, he owed most of his success to novelty, but even here he was unfavourably compared to Jephson in many quarters. He continued to play for Worcestershire until 1914 without distinguishing himself. He played regularly in 1911 and 1912 but his bowling was less effective, and he only appeared intermittently in 1913 and 1914.

Simpson-Hayward was also a good full-back, receiving a football blue at Cambridge (he was never a cricket blue). And, like many amateurs of the period, he was perhaps more interesting away from sport. He was born George Hayward Thomas Simpson in 1875, the son of a wealthy farmer (whose lands covered 430 acres and employed twelve men and three boys, according to the 1871 census), but changed his name in 1898 to George Hayward Thomas Simpson-Hayward for no obvious reason (Hayward was the maiden name of his maternal grandmother). He married Mary Stenson in 1911 and they had one daughter. From 1916, he served in the Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry. Most of his time was taken up with affairs in his village, Icomb; he served on the parish council and was a church warden for a time. He played local cricket for Stow-on-the-Wold and Bourton-on-the-Water and was a lepidopterist with a large collection of butterflies. He left an estate worth just over £15,000 when he died in 1936 (worth around £1 million today).

Meanwhile, lob bowlers struggled on until the First World War. There were various features in newspapers which questioned why the method was not used more, given than it had brought some success to men like Humphreys and Simpson-Hayward. But there was never any sense that it was going to make a comeback. The last gasp came in 1921, when Surrey’s innovative captain Percy Fender selected an underarm bowler for a handful of matches. Trevor Molony was a schoolboy cricketer at Repton who took just one wicket for its team, and failed to reach the Cambridge eleven as a freshman in 1920. But Fender gambled on him after he dismissed Jack Hobbs in an early-season trial game (Hobbs was stumped attempting to hit a fourth four off the bowler). Molony made his first-class debut against Nottinghamshire, but Fender did not bring him on until the score was 170 for five. He bowled leg theory, with just one fielder on the off-side, and with four men on the leg-side boundary. Bowling deliberate full-tosses, he presented unaccustomed difficulties to the batters, who tied themselves in knots, and he took three for 11 in seven overs — two caught on the boundary and a third, W. W. Whysall, attempting an overhead smash at a full toss which only went as far as mid-off. The crowd found the struggles of the batters amusing. But Molony played just twice more, and barely bowled, drifting out of first-class cricket, although he continued to play club cricket for the Incogniti and Repton Pilgrims. Fender later recalled that his wicket-keeper, Herbert Strudwick, had told him: “It’s him or me — if you go on playing him, I’m off.”

The bowling of Molony seems to have been a long way removed from the earlier endeavours of bowlers such as Clarke or Humphreys. Although it was common for lob bowlers to aim for catches in the deep, they also attempted spin and deception, rather than simply bowling full tosses. Perhaps the art had been finally lost. Certainly it appears that no full-time lob bowler appeared in first class cricket in England after Molony. Others used the underarm style occasionally: J. C. Clay of Glamorgan took a wicket with a lob in 1933, as did Jack Iverson in India during a tour of India in 1953–54; Hedley Verity bowled underarm against Surrey as a protest at a delayed declaration in 1933 (and was no-balled because he had not informed the umpire he was switching method); and of course there was the Trevor Chappell incident.

The current laws of cricket do not permit underarm bowling except by prior agreement between the captains; this means that it is effectively outlawed in first-class cricket. But even before this change was put into operation, no one was tempted to return to the old ways except for those one-offs.

Note: After this was published, Rameses on Twitter pointed out two articles from the Manchester Guardian (and there is a similar report in the Birmingham Daily Gazette, but curiously no mention of this in The Times or even in Wisden) that in June 1920, Vallance Jupp and Jack Mercer took all ten wickets between them for Sussex against Worcestershire bowling lobs. The report might indicate that only Mercer was using the underarm style, but it seems extraordinary that — if one or both men really had taken so many wickets with lobs — no-one else picked up on this, at the time or later.